The Malaysian works minister and the MIC president, Dato' Seri S. Samy Vellu, is so incensed with the Tamil newspaper, Malaysia Nanban, which supports his deputy president, Dato' S. Subramaniam, that he files a RM100 million defamation suit against it. He filed the suit last year and the case is vigorously defended. The flambuoyant cabinet minister is not one to defend himself against political attacks, he sues them instead for libel. In his view, a cabinet minister should not be challenged, and critics deserve to fry in hell. So, when the Malaysia Nanban said that he did not push hard for a second cabinet post for the MIC because he did not want competition from within in the cabinet, his ire was aroused. (The fact remains that the new Indian deputy minister is not from the MIC.) So he sues Malaysian Nanban beyond the capacity of even the government of which he is a member to pay. Critics in his view must be roasted alive; if he did not believe this he would have left it to the court to decide how much general damages he would have to pay.

At a Christmas Party in the house of a prominent Malaysian, a dato', the Malaysian Indian Congress president, Dato' Seri S. Samy Vellu, was at his usual best and vitriolic. To the 30 or so guests who surrounded him as vultures to carrion, he said one man caused the Lunas byelection defeat, the Prime Minister no less. He, of course, wriggles out of responsibility, as indeed every National Front leader does, and blames it on someone else. Dato' Seri Samy Vellu is true to form: he takes the credit and others the blame. It is safe to assume the Prime Minister is aware of it; it could well be why a new deputy minister is not from MIC but from the PPP.

The MIC president, S. Samy Vellu, wants the Indian Progressive Front and its president, M.G. Pandithan, to give up the ghost and join him in the MIC. If that is scant incentive, the People's Progressive Party president, M. Kayveas, with a gravitas befitting his new status as an unelected deputy minister, tells him to join the MIC. But, of course, if he does not want to, the PPP is always open to them. Kayveas reads too much of Malaysian corporate moves in which the weaker takes over the stronger.

Prime Minister Mahathir Mohamed wants Indians united under the MIC to strengthen the governing National Front coalition, that "If they don't unite, there is disunity." Or, to put it another way, if they unite, there is unity. So, the MIC vetoes the Indian Progressive Front's attempt to join the National Front. Its president, S. Samy Vellu, wants the IPF dissolved and its members join it instead. This, they believe, would unite the Indians under the National Front.

I had a dozen emails, after I posted my Chiaroscuro column on the cabinet reshuffle in malaysiakini (http"//www.malaysiakini.com) on Sang Kancil yesterday, berating me for not saying something about "our" new deputy minister of local government and housing, Dato' M. Kayveas. At a diplomatic dinner last night, I was told this new Indian deputy minister should make Indian community proud, even if the MIC president, Dato' Seri S. Samy Vellu, sulks at it. Dato' Kayveas himself is proud and grateful for the Prime Minister's "great trust" in him. What trust is that, I wonder?

The Indian vote was ignored. It was, said the MIC president, Dato' Seri S. Samy Vellu, a safe-deposit box for the National Front. If the Indians held the balance, it was. The Chinese did. And they stayed neutral. The Malay wants answers neither UMNO nor Dr Mahathir could provide. A subtle cultural tug-of-war between Dr Mahathir and Anwar Ibrahim overshadowed the campaign. The National Front, as always, plastered the constituency with photographs of Dr Mahathir. That was a mistake. He is the focus of Malay cultural and political anger and angst for what he did to cause Anwar to suffer. The infamous black eye photograph of Anwar Ibrahim, in colour, made UMNO campaigners nervous.

Even UMNO voices now admit that the National Front machinery in Lunas was all bluster and bluff. There was no central coordination, and each was left to its own devices. None would campaign in the Malay areas, and the Chinese leaders would not face the Chinese, and the Indian is all but ignored because, in Samy Vellu's view, their votes are a safe deposit box for the National Front.

The Prime Minister even suggests the fellows were opposition supporters. They were not. Ask Mr Mohamed Umar Peer Mohamed. Why did the UMNO secretary-general, Tan Sri Khalil Yaakob, rush to the station to sort out the mess? The MIC president, Dato' Seri S. Samy Vellu, is angry with the police. So was everyone in the National Front camp. They were letting out their frustrations at having lost. They could not openly attack the deputy prime minister, so they attacked the police, and by extension its minister, who is one Dato' Seri Abdullah Ahmad Badawi. The reality sunk in a few days later, and now Tan Sri Khalil believes the polie did a smashing job. His explanation for the turnaround does not convince. The police did a good job, he says, because the crowd was menacing. Was it the hungry 400 or the crowd that was menacing, Tan Sri? So, they escorted the buses out of Lunas. It is more than that. Many who oppose UMNO now were once in its fold. They know how the National Front react in elections, and took steps to stop the phantom voters. Tan Sri Khalil realises that to prolong the discussion is to raise more questions of ill-intent. Meanwhile, if the National Front does not want its electoral practices the subject of a court action, it should tell the holidaymakers to shut up and lick their wounds. Mr Mohamed Umar has lodged police reporters in Lunas and Petaling Jaya. He obviously believes the police would act quicker if more than one report is filed. If it comes to court, he would no doubt be asked to justify his statement that he and his 399 compatriots came there to campaign when they cannot.

But the demonisation of the Chinese community is to attract the racist support of the Malay. It does not work. The Malay still is suspicious of the Prime Minister and his administration. And now the Chinese ground slips away. The National Front gives the impression these days that only it has the solution, and what it wants it must get, even if what it seeks is a pie in the sky not even it knows what it is all about. I found it curious that it is UMNO, not the National Front, that met to discuss Lunas. It proves what the MCA and MIC presidents desperately tries to disprove: that it is UMNO, not the National Front, that calls the shots. That it is UMNO, not the MCA or MIC, that shivers when the Chinese in Lunas did not back the MIC candidate, and the Malay opposition was returned. Changing the election laws because the Prime Minister is forced to accept responsibility, and blaming the opposition for the fall out of the race and religious issues it paraded, does not change the ground seismic shifts. It is Malay alienation that UMNO and the National Front should look at, not blame the Chinese for its own ill-thought out policies that angers the community. Would the Prime Minister dare to address a political gathering in Lunas now? Or in his own parliamentary constituency of Kubang Pasu? Or, indeed, explain to the Malays who seek answers why Dato' Seri Anwar Ibrahim ought to remain destroyed. If he does, he would know at first hand why Lunas was lost. In short, the National Front misses the point again. And why Dr Ling Liong Sik and Dato' Seri S. Samy Vellu should be dismissed for the barking dogs they are.

When word got around that the battle is lost, the overconfident, arrogant titled campaigners slunk away like thieves in the night, with only one cabinet minister to hold the electoral baby for them. Even the MIC president, Dato' Seri S. Samy Vellu, did his post-mortem in a hotel room in Penang.

But the National Front, and UMNO, saw this as yet another it could bulldoze. UMNO, according to some sources, insisted MIC pay it RM20 million before it would campaign. This demand is not unusual. A lesser amount, by not much, was, and paid, in Teluk Kemang. When the campaign started, the big boys took over, ignoring the local organisation, and charged into the constitutency as a bull in a China shop (pun intended!). They stopped on toes, tried to overawe the voter with glitz and glamour, quick fixes, while the opposition ignored all that to talk to them, man to man, of the problems they face and how it could help overcome them. The deputy prime minister, Dato' Seri Abdullah Ahmad Badawi, a popular man, to his chagrin was snubbed that reports of it elicited a complaint of misreporting. The works minister and MIC president, Dato' Seri S. Samy Vellu, thought he was being clever when he announced he would not return to Kuala Lumpur if the MIC lost. He would, of course, return to Kuala Lumpur. And prove, yet again, that the ministerial words and promises, especially in the heat of an election campaign, should not be trusted.

This the leaders understand. The changes must be made. They accept they made mistakes, especially about Dato' Seri Anwar. But the UMNO ground shifts to not care what they propose. Which is why Tan Sri Muhiyuddin could get the consensus the leaders wanted. Indeed, the proposed changes are true to form. But without the changes, UMNO is in trouble. The divisions electing the president can work: it worked well for the MIC -- whose primary membership once elected its president -- until the incumbent, Dato' Seri S. Samy Vellu, felt a determined challenger could overthrow him, and left the election to delegates at its annual congress. It is after all easier to buy or threaten 2,000 delegates than 30,000 -- and far cheaper. UMNO rejected this to retain its oligarchy.

The MIC president, Dato' Seri S. Samy Vellu's son, Mr Paari Vellu, throws a birthday bash for his daughter at Kshipra's, his mother's restaurant in Brickfields. The road was chocker-block with high-end Mercedes Benzes and other baubles of the self-important and rentier-seekers. To this august gathering is invited one High Court judge, the only one, so he told the court, not from the MIC. Judge R.K. Nathan turns up though he sits in judgement in a defamation action the MIC brought against a newspaper. He reasons nothing untoward had happened, since he left almost immediately on seeing the crowd. He had thought it a small function that loving parents hold for their first born. No doubt he was more than surprised to learn that Mr Paari Vellu's father is the president of the MIC! And it dawned on him only when he arrived. Since he left immediately, judicial decorum is preserved, his ire directed at the newspapers for reporting the event and his presence.

Twentyeight years ago, the then deputy prime minister, Tun Dr Ismail Abdul Rahman, described the Malaysian Chinese Association as "neither dead nor alive", with the future deputy prime minister, Tun Ghafar Baba, made the effective head of the party. That dispute reduced MCA's primus role of representing the Chinese community in the then Allian coalition, and had to accept the Gerakan Rakyat Malaysia, the rump a breakway from the MCA, as another Chinese party in the coalition which challenged the MCA's right to represent it. (The Indian community is marginalised for the same reasons, but the heavy cross it bears for its neglect, Dato' Seri S. Samy Vellu, is more astute than the Chinese community representatives.) The Suqui affair reduces them to political irrelevance. Its leaders raised not a whimper when the Prime Minister usurped their traditional role, and ensures their high profile role of total irrelevance. The Chinese organisations are, in effect, told that they must deal with UMNO and its president if it wants its issues settled. As for Indian issues, that is already standard practice. It is the Prime Minister who takes the decisions for the Indian community the MIC president ought to be taking.

This destruction of national heritage sites is not only in Kuala Lumpur. The Malacca government wanted to turn the five-centuries-old Bukit China, arguable the oldest Chinese cemetry outside of China, turned into shopping malls and housing estates. That could not have been possible if the MCA representatives in the state administration had objected to it. They did not, but the resultant public outcry put paid to that. As has happened to the redevelopment of the main Chinese cemetry in Kuala Lumpur. The redevelopment of Jonkers street in Malacca raises hackles, but the character of that original Dutch-buit street of Chinese merchants from the 17th century is about to disappear for ever. In Ipoh and Penang, the systematic destruction of old building, in the name of progress, is a fact of life. The government targets Chinese structures for demolition, knowing full well that the MCA and Gerakan would go along with any such proposals. It is angry that the public, whose only duty in their view is to elect them regularly into office and then shut up until the next general elections, have different ideas. They do not want their heritage buildings destroyed, whatever the economic cost. And rise in protest. The silence of the MCA and Gerakan lambs is only to be expected. The MCA has declared war on the Malaysian Indian Congress and its leader, Dato' Seri S. Samy Vellu, for his opposition to the redevelopment of the Sungei Besi cemetry. The MCA is angered that he went against a cabinet directive, at which he was present.

The Alternative Front mounted a brilliant campaign of keeping the National Front leaders in their constituencies. The works minister, Dato' Seri S. Samy Vellu, could not move from his Sungei Siput constituency. Every cabinet minister and mentri besar is forced to be more acquainted with their constituencies than they would like to. This could provide individual upsets. The electoral system is so loaded against the opposition that it needs at least 60 per cent of the popular votes to deny the National Front its two-thirds majority. It is an uphill task. Which accounts for the National Front leaders ebbulience in retaining its two-thirds majority. But the Malay ground is scarred and split. What we do not know is how badly it is. That would determine the results of this elections. It is an elections in which the National Front could well be returned with UMNO taking a beating. One thing is certain: no matter who wins, the new government must take into account public sensibilities and views more seriously than the National Front ever has. The choice to the Malaysian voter is clear: he is asked to choose whether he wants the solidity of IBM or the feisty confidence of the startup Microsoft, when they first crossed swords in the mid-1970s. IBM, like the National Front, is solid, confident, computer company with an emphasis on consistent growth. IBM stumbled and lost its way while Microsoft grew to dominate the computer industry. This is the choice Malaysians face today.

Dato' M. Kayveas, now finds he has more problems on his plate than suing Dato' Seri S. Samy Vellu for defamation. His threat to sue after the irrelevant leader of the Indian community allegedly defamed him for insisting the Peoples Progressive Party he led was a party of straw. Such threats by self-important people is the hallmark of Bolehland's idiotic perception that self-proclaimed leaders should be treated by the world at large like rare porcelain china. And woe betide any who does not agree. But the High Court has declared Dato' Kayveas is not the president of the PPP, a decision he dismissed as having only an "academic" interest. It should be. He has his dato'ship, can reasonably expect a term in the senate, and then be kicked out by others seeking fame through the same route. That this party ought to have been wound up and its leaders consigned to the scrapheap a long time ago is of course something its leaders would not consider. One senior official of the party tried to convince me not so long ago that the PPP has a role in Malaysian political life, that it surpasses the MIC in political reach, that Dato' Kayveas is a man with a mission. When I suggested that PPP's role in the National Front equation is as resident court jester, and that Dato' Kayveas's mission partly fulfilled with his dato'ship, he got cross indeed.

The Malaysian government until recently insisted the public should have no role in the formulation of policy unless it is to support it. The opposition political parties are irrelevant since they are not the government. The views of any but the National Front should be ignored because it has the people's support. So, the new capital of Putra Jaya is built without discussion, burdening the country with billions of ringgit in wasteful and irrelevant construction cost. The privatisied highway is thrown at the people to take it or leave it; that if they left it, no further highways would be built; that tolls would be raised with indecent haste and intervals because it was more important for crony business men to make money than the people's ability to pay for it. Important laws are disallowed an opportunity for serious discussion. The public need not know about all that. After all, it was they elected the government; would the government dare do anything against their interest? Of course not, says that eminent pillar of the administration, Dato' Seri S. Samy Vellu as he seeks more creative ways to raise tolls; of course not, says Dato' Seri Ling Liong Sik as he seeks more creative ways to raise the Prime Minister on a pedestal. The government provides government funds running into millions of ringgit every year for government members of parliament; why should such facilities be given to the enemies of the people that are the in the opposition?

The Prime Minister, in his opening speech at the MIC general assembly over the weekend, toted up an impressing array of statistics to show the Indian community was not neglected, and warned of no cabinet representation if MIC candidates is not returned in the coming general elections. It is a threat that has no bite. The Indians do not have a majority in any parliamentary or state constituency in the country, and its candidates win the sufferance of the dominant Malay community. To now threaten the Indian community of what would happen for what happens outside their purview is mischievous indeed. If the next parliament does not have elected Indian members of parliament, the Prime Minister would offer the Indian cabinet post to an MIC senator already there or appointed to it for just this purpose. There is precedent for that. The National Front administration must have an Indian cabinet minister. Whether the Prime Minister likes it or not. But the speech implied the Indians are ungrateful, as the Malays are ungrateful, as the Chinese are grateful, to the government: too many Malays and Indians want a change, and that is unacceptable. The MIC leader, Dato' Seri S. Samy Vellu, basking in happiness that the Prime Minister has come to his rescue: he himself would dare not articulate what the Prime Minister said, but what better way to shoot than from the Prime Minister's shoulders? He then begged the Prime Minister for estate workers are paid monthly wages. He could not get the cabinet to discuss it, he could not prevent a cabinet colleague from insulting Indian estate workers in the Senate, but he tries to get political mileage from his audience by begging in public.

The MIC president, Dato' Seri S. Samy Vellu, has decreed the creation of a Malaysian Indian artistes foundation, which in two months would collect RM1,000,000 to provide insurance for its members when they travel and they fall on hard times. The foundation is not formed yet, but he told reporters yesterday that it would set up a production company to produce movies and television shows and recordings besides training local Indian talent. Indian castles in dreamland is his specialty. Curious, that it took more than 50 years to realise that there was such an animal as artiste within the Indian community. Dato' S. Samy Vellu and an MIC central committee member, Senator Dato' V.K.K. Teagarajan are trustees: that is only fair since the artistes cannot be relied upon, as these two fellows can, to ensure this would be a collosal failure. The initial donation of RM10,000 is provided by the company which produces the Indian Nada Suria programme on RTM. So far well and good. But a few niggardly questions arise: If the foundation is not yet registered, how can it collect funds? How did the Registrar of Society allow Dato' Teagarajan to accept the funds when the organisation itself is not registered? Or are they different rules for the MIC which cannot apply to the riff raff amongst us who has similar aims, with more justification than the MIC could ever have? If the foundation is to benefit the artistes, why is there no prominent artiste amongst the trustees? If the MIC can raise RM1,000,000 in two months, why can it not raise many more millions to kick off a programme to benefit, for example, Tamil schools? The Indian artistes who fondly believe this foundation would benefit them believes in tooth fairies.

Pak Lah (1364)   United States (636)   Straits Times (412)   Samy Vellu (224)   Putra Jaya (200)   Chief Justice (200)   Saddam Hussein (188)   Vincent Tan (164)   Civil Service (154)   Parti KeADILan (148)   Islamic State (118)   Johore Bahru (100)   Sungei Buloh (94)   Bukit Tinggi (88)   Abdul Razak (80)   Pengkalen Pasir (68)   Ting Pek (64)   Armed Forces (59)   Soviet Union (58)

Malay Dominance (58)   Yong Teck (56)   Hong Kong (56)   Human Rights (56)   Syed Hamid (54)   Puteri UMNO (52)   Islam Hadhari (52)   Royal Commission (51)   Hussein Onn (51)   Rafidah Aziz (48)   Indian Congress (48)   Open House (44)   Vision Schools (44)   Shah Alam (44)   Malay Unity (42)   Chua Jui (42)   Abdul Taib (42)   Ampang Jaya (36)   Ras Adiba (36)

Osama Bin Laden (36)   Nik Aziz Nik (20)   Ling Liong Sik (18)   Lee Kuan Yew (18)

High Court Judge (14)   Wan Azizah Wan (9)   Lim Kit Siang (9)   Megat Junid Megat (8)

Mahathir (2960)

Anwar (2399)