The blind leads the deaf in the MCA crisis
2002-04-22
The MCA deputy president, Dato' Seri Lim Ah Lek, denies UMNO runs
MCA, so he told Mingguan Malaysia yesterday (21 April 02). The
MCA president, Dato' Seri Ling Liong Sik, is confident, he could
chart the independent course he could not before UMNO moved in.
The UMNO president decided MCA could not manage its affairs,
deputed his deputy president, Dato' Seri Abdullah Ahmad Badawi,
to provide a temporary backbone for MCA so it would present a
united front in the next general elections, possibly next year.
But Dato' Seri Mahathir Mohamed does not know what he wants of
the MCA, though he did read the Riot Act to both the Ling and Lim
factions. First he wanted the MCA divisional elections and the
Extraordinary general meeting suspended. Then he wanted the MCA
divisional elections to go on but not the EGM. The Abdullah
Badawi committee cannot decide. And all three await the return
of Dr Mahathir in suspense, agony and trepidation.
In other words, Dr Mahathir blows hot and cold, uncertain if
he wants Dr Ling or Dato' Seri Lim as the next MCA president.
The Lim faction grumbles at Dr Mahathir's ambivalence. It
unequivocally called off its EGM, scheduled for yesterday. But
the Ling faction took it as a sign of divine blessing, would not
call off the divisional elections now under way. The longer the
leadership crisis in MCA exists, the more intense and damaging
the infighting. When Dr Mahathir returns, he would have to
address this. The Badawi committee did not have what it must to
resolve the crisis in his absence. Two of its three Chinese
members are business men cronies loyal to the Prime minister, and
the other is his non-Chinese speaking political secretary so well
known in the Chinese community that none of the Chinese
newspapers could agree on how to write his name that each wrote
it differently. In other words, neither the Ling nor the Lim
factions could relate to it but had to.
So, the blind leads the deaf. The factions are far apart as
ever. But are united in treating the Badawi committee with
contempt. When Dr Mahathir set it up, it was not to resolve the
crisis, but to ensure it would not blow up in his absence. But
it has. Nothing can move until he returns today. It makes
nonsense of Dato' Seri Lim's claim. All it promises is the MCA's
continuing irrelevance. MCA's biggest crisis over the years is
who should lead, not what it can do for the community it normally
represents in the cabinet. If it had adopted rules that made for
an orderly succession, it at least would have had the respect of
the Chinese community. For the past two years, the only issue in
the MCA is who should be the next president. When the two
factions closed ranks in the two byelections -- in Indera
Kayangan and Ketari -- it was Dr Mahathir who forced them to.
But this temporary patching is not a permanent solution.
There is but one way acceptable to all: let the political
infighting spill over, however catharctic it might be to the MCA,
but it would end, once and for all, this near irrevocable split.
But neither wants to confront the other in an election. Dr Ling
believes he should be allowed to continue however irrelevant he
is inoffice. Dato' Seri Lim wants him out, but is not prepared
to meet him headlong in an election. This is the problem in MCA,
and National Front (BN) ranks. So, the infighting is so deadly
that the new leader cannot be elected without splitting the
party. Only once, in the MCA's history, has a president been
defeated in an election: when Dr (now Tun) Lim Chong Eu defeated
Tun Tan Cheng Lock in 1958. He was so independent that the then
UMNO president (and prime minister), Tengku Abdul Rahman, forced
him out of office when he made demands for more MCA candidates in
the 1959 general elections. Only one MCA president left office
voluntarily: Dato' Cheah Toon Lock, when he stepped in in the
interim after Tun Tan Siew Sin was forced out in 1974. So, in
every MCA election, UMNO it is that pushes for a compromise.
And reduces it to irrelevance when the time for a new president
comes.
UMNO does what it must. It cannot afford a hyperactive
non-Malay coalition partner. And did what it could to make their
leaders as ineffective as it could. These parties had their own,
largly fair, system of electing their leaders, but it was revised
to ape the UMNO system. The UMNO system works because the ground
is as interested in seeing the leaders they want -- though even
that is under strain in UMNO during the two-decade-long
leadership of Dr Mahathir -- but it would not translate well into
any other cultures. It did not. It shows. The presidents stay
on for as long as they like, their home ground receding from them
with each re-election. The UMNO president knows his time is up
when the ground rebels. It is not so now. Dr Mahathir to remain
in office for as long as he wants adopts the tactics of his
coalition partner presidents to ignore the ground. And pays the
price. As the non-coalition partners continue to. It does not
matter who is the new MCA president. Whoever it is, he is
beholden to the UMNO president. Dr Mahathir could not demand of
Dr Ling and Dato' Seri Lim what he would in happier times because
his own position as UMNO president is under attack.
M.G.G. Pillai
pillai@mgg.pc.my
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This archive was created as a tribute to the late veteran
journalist MGG Pillai. We believed his writings are useful to develop a critical
thinking analysis.
By the way, the original mggpillai.com web site (2001-2006) was actually created
by one of us.
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