Is Pak Lah in control of UMNO?
2004-05-30
THE MALAYSIAN DEPUTY PRIME minister, Dato' Seri Najib Tun Razak,
insisted last Tuesday, 25 May 2004, the UMNO supreme council had
decided the previous night the party president and deputy president
had been elected unopposed. One can understand why he made it. The
National Front (BN) had had its best ever results in the March
general elections, but in circumstances that suggest massive fraud to
which the Election Commission actively bent the rules. It was to
affirm Dato' Seri Abdullah Ahmad Badawi as Prime Minister in his own
right, and allow him to be his own man, not an appendage of his
predecessor, Tun Mahathir Mohamed. It did not. So a new plan is
hatched to ensure he would be UMNO president come what may. The UMNO
secretary-general, Tan Sri Khalil Yaakob, read a statement he did not
sign, though it was issued in his name. Dato' Seri Najib explained
what it meant and why. The mainstream newspapers reported it
parrot-like on the front pages in banner headlines. But the UMNO
supreme council did not unanimously decide the UMNO president and
deputy president be returned uncontested. In fact, it did not even
discuss or raise it. Tan Sri Khalil and Dato' Seri Najib lied. Why?
They should have known the UMNO supreme council is so bitterly divided
that it would not have allowed it if it was raised. They should tell
us why they lied. Or if they insist they told the truth, the supreme
council members should state clearly they do not want the party's two
top posts to be uncontested. Pak Lah, on his return from his China
trip, must clear the air. He chaired the meeting. So he knows what
happened. The two men, one of whom would be governor of Malacca later
this week, must be chastised for their lies. Pak Lah must distance
himself from them. Their lies have incensed several supreme council
members that at least two are keen now to stand for president and
deputy president. Why did not the party elders tell the pair that
their lies defied the party constitution and the Registrar of
Societies. The party presidency is vacant. The deputy president, Pak
Lah, is acting president. One of the three vice-presidents, Dato'
Seri Najib, acts as deputy president. If the purported supreme
council decision is followed, Pak Lah would be returned unopposed as
deputy president. The presidency will remain vacant, unless it had
rejected the resignation of Dr Mahathir, and plan for him to be
returned to office. That surely is not the intention.
Pak Lah deserves his chance to be UMNO president. But he got off to a
bad start. He has had to face one crisis after another, which could
have been deflected with good advice, that if he does not pick
himself up smartly between now and the UMNO elections in September,
he could face an opponent then who could well defeat him easily. He
contradicts himself so regularly that one does not know where stands
on any issue. The former de facto law minister, Dato' Seri Rais
Yatim, was demoted in the cabinet reshuffle after the elections for
saying the ACA has indentified 18 high profile individuals for
prosecution. Pak Lah said the corruption was in 18 sectors, not
individuals. On Friday, 28 May, the ACA director-general, Dato'
Zulkipli Mat Noor, said the files of 18 high-profile individuals had
been referred to the Attorney-General's Chambers for possible
prosecution. Pak Lah wanted the results of the investigations made
public. Dato' Zulkipli does not agree, and would not comment. It was
known then that at least one high profile cabinet minister and his
wife are amongst the 18. But he would not say if the list includes
mentris besar and chief ministers.
But the ACA is not serious about its task. It is directly under the
Prime Minister, and he must agree before any minister or BN
politician is charged in court. He approves only when he wants to
destroy a minister. The most famous example is Dato' Seri Anwar
Ibrahim, the former deputy prime minister. The ACA helps with its
incompetence. Dato' Zulkipli says it received 10,000 reports in the
past three years, and decided most were frivolous. He said it so
casually and off handedly that no one noticed what that meant. The
ACA cleared ten reports a day, when one a month would have been a
superhuman effort, for the past three years! It is short staffed,
subject to political pressure, had not had a major case in court that
would suggest at least it means business. Instead those who appear in
court are the postmen, the police-man, the clerk, but none of the
'big fish'. Since Pak Lah made a song and dance of his determination
to root out corruption, he must come and take charge of this quickly,
or it would redound on him.
Unfortunately for him, he must wish for a miracle to offset a
challenge in September. The messy but indirect involvement of his son
in the rogue Islamic nuclear chain is made worse by the arrest under
the ISA of a man, for whom his son's company built a factory to make
centrifuge parts, is one he must sort out. The man, Mr B.S.A. Taher,
was cleared of all wrong doing three months ago, but over the weekend
is detained for two years without trial. Pak Lah now says he is a
threat to national security. This raises more questions than answers.
Why is his son and his company left untouched? An innocent link in
the clandestine nuclear weapons trial does not excuse him from
detention. If drugs are found in a room shared by four or five
people, it does not matter who put it there of it anyone knew of it,
but they are presumed of it. That it was there is enough to have them
all hanged. Or if one drives a friend's car, and drugs are found in
it, one is sentenced to death. When national security is involved,
the threshhold of innocence is lower. Innocence is no defence.
Besides his company built a company in Shah Alam to make the
centrifuge parts. One does not go into that kind of capital
expenditure without an idea of what the end product is or what it is
for. That is the presumption. It is for him to prove it is not.
This is why Pak Lah must clear the mess created in his name. For
ranged against him are important UMNO leaders, in his cabinet and in
the states, and others who support Dato' Seri Anwar, and factional
UMNO leaders. There were power brokers before but in a mass movement,
as UMNO was until 1988, they were subsumed by a larger national
interest. Now UMNO is a political party, and if the leaders stumble,
as when it defied the cultural rules in the sordid Anwar Ibrahim
affair, it sunders. That cannot be resolved by insisting that all is
well. Because there will come a time when the factions within UMNO
will decide enough is enough, and head for a confrontation. It is
this that puts Pak Lah's control of UMNO in doubt. He has little time
to repair the damage. He can if he puts his mind to it. It is more
serious than he imagines. And he is bereft of the experienced hands
to help him out of his predicament. That lie adds to his
difficulties. The belief that if it did not appear in the newspapers,
it did not happen will not now work. With UMNO politicians tensed and
highly charged, it needs but a spark to get them on a rampage.
M.G.G. Pillai
pillai@streamyx.com
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This archive was created as a tribute to the late veteran
journalist MGG Pillai. We believed his writings are useful to develop a critical
thinking analysis.
By the way, the original mggpillai.com web site (2001-2006) was actually created
by one of us.
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