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Yesterday's men, today's power-brokers, tomorrow's leaders

TUN MAHATHIR MOHAMED; DATO Seri Abdullah Ahmad Badawi; Mr Morarji Desai; President Francois Mitterand: they were all Yesterday's Men at one time of their political lives; but they became in time prime ministers and presidents of their countries. So when the New Straits Times yesterday (03 July 2004) dismissed Tengku Razaleigh Hamzah as one, it was carefully designed to stab him in the back - not because he is yesterday's man but because he poses a potent challenge to one of yesterday's men who is now prime minister. It was to put a knife in.

But it missed its mark as usual. A newspaper with a fossilised point of view -- especially with an editor-in-chief who was not so long ago yesterday's man in Malaysian journalism as he sought a career in business and industry -- cannot understand this and the change of fortunes. All that matters is that any challenger must be stopped short, at whatever cost.

This is not to say Tengku Razaleigh is home and dry. He has said he is in the race to be UMNO president, taking on Pak Lah; he revealed his intentions the typically opaque way they are revealed in Malay society; and the newspapers run by non-Malays and reported by non-Malays did not understand what they meant. If they did, they deliberately ignored the significance.

He is not home and dry, not by any means. He needs his 58 nominations. He may not get it. But this statement of intent is enough to throw the Pak Lah camp out of gear. It objects to him for all sorts of reasons: a contest now would divide the party; a steady unchanged hand at the top only could build on the unbuildable majority the National Front (BN) got in the 21 March 2004 general elections; UMNO would be split if there is a challenge; and other equally unsupportable arguments.

If indeed this is what UMNO wants, why then is challenges undesirable for president and deputy president, but desirable for the other positions on election? If elections divide, then it should be banned for all positions; that those elected must hold office until they retire, with only vacancies filled each year. When the party constitution was drawn up, the principle of elections was accepted.

Over the years, as the UMNO leaders remained in control, it was eroded to the point now where the two top leaders, both of whom act in their posts, should be returned unopposed; otherwise, it is argued that it would split the party. The question that must be asked is how could it when the two top posts are vacant. In the UMNO scheme of things, Pak Lah is still deputy president and Dato' Seri Najib still a vice president.

There is no certainty yet that Tengku Razaleigh would be in the race. That he seeks the 58 nominations is what upsets the UMNO acting president and deputy president. To forestall it, they got the UMNO supreme council, so we are told but a lie nevertheless, to order that the divisions only nominate Pak Lah and Dato' Seri Najib Tun Razak for the two top posts. The divisions are warned not to break this rule. They are also to nominate the supreme council's preference for its youth and puteri top leaders.

In the words of Pak Lah and Dato' Seri Najib, this does not have the force of law: when Tengku Razaleigh requested that the 30 per cent of nominations needed to stand for the UMNO presidency, the pair insisted the supreme council could not since it was the UMNO general assembly that decided on it. If so, the supreme council order, if indeed it was passed, cannot stand since the UMNO general assembly did not insist the two positions be returned unopposed.

But if a rule benefits those in power, it cannot be challenged; if it does not, then it can be. It is heads I win, tails you lose. Is this how a political party should conduct itself? Especially one as powerful in the governing BN coalition and, lest we forget, in the country. If UMNO takes these short cuts to preserve its leaders and shutting up those with a fresh point of view or with a programme that could improve it, why should one be surprised when other political parties can plat foot and loose with the rules.

The MIC president wants to destroy his deputy president; for a start, he refused to give him his parliamentary constituency in the March general election; now the push is on to have him removed from his office. But the deputy president is close to the prime minister, and removing him from his post would not be wise. So, Dato' Seri S. Samy Vellu has promised to expel any memberf who questions his deputy's role. There are other similar examples in other political parties in BN.

A crack in the Pak Lah camp is all but inevitable. Up to now, both Pak Lah and Dato' Seri Najib insisted the two must be returned unopposed. Now only Pak Lah need be, so says Dato' Seri Najib. Why does he say that? Has he seen the writing on the wall? That 90 UMNO division heads, several cabinet ministers, political bigwigs have met with Tengku Razaleigh, and some would have pledged support for his candidature? That the Tengku does not have a running mate and is prepared, if push comes to shove, to accept whoever the general assembly selects as the deputy president? As it stands, that man would be Dato' Seri Najib.

This panic is reflected in the state liaison committees. The Sabah UMNO committee has ordered to nominate no one but Pak Lah and Dato' Seri Najib for the two top posts. It was forced down the throat of those who attended, requiring them to show their hands. All agreed, but shortly after several division heads let it known to Tengku Razaleigh that their nominations would be for him. The Pak Lah camp is forced to consider the improbable: that he would be challenged.

He could move to obviate the challenge to offer the Tengku a senior cabinet position, and appeal to his patriotism. But that presupposes that it would be accepted. The Tengku could, if as his team expects, nominations come in, ask for no nominations to preserve the party. But for the Pak Lah camp, the bigger worry is that once the nominations flow to the Tengku, even if trickles, it could cause an upset as divisions switch. And the Tengku asking not to nominate him would then be an impetus to do so.

On the other hand, the Tengku may not get a single nomination, or very few. It could well be much ado about nothing. But that he is in the race showed how unsteady and unstable the Pak Lah camp is. Malaysia is in for tough times in the years ahead; one harsh view is that we could be bankrupt by 2007. Tough measures are needed, perhaps even a government of national unity with the opposition, and work to get out of the hole that stares us in our faces. The Tengku has thing in mind is he should find himself the UMNO president. He has fired the first shot. Could he the others that must? If he could, he would win the presidency easily. That is Pak Lah's nightmare now.

M.G.G. Pillai
pillai@streamyx.com