Dato' Seri Anwar emerges into the spotlight, his reputation and instincts burnished
2004-09-03
THE MORE ONE LOOKS into Dato' Seri Anwar Ibrahim's dramatic release
from prison yesterday (02 September 2004) the more one realises
politics, not law, that ensured it. He was charged, humiliated,
convicted in a political vendetta. The only way he could be released
ahead of time only by political intervention. The prime minister,
Dato' Seri Abdullah Ahmad Badawi, like his predecessor, Tun Mahathir
Mohamed, wanted him in jail for as long as possible. The rules were
stretched so he could not get what others charged for similar
offences would as a matter of right. The judges, their hands tied,
could do little but convict. The speed with which he goes for his
surgery – he leaves tonight – raised many an eyebrow. That appears to
be part of the deal, that he would leave immediately after his
release, and not return for a while as Pak Lah tried to firm his
rule. What forced Pak Lah's hand was the fear Dato' Seri Anwar might
die on him – horror of horrors – before the UMNO elections in three
weeks. Dato' Seri Anwar held his ground, and did not want a deal in
which he would lose out politically.
His release also came because politics insisted he be. Pak Lah and the
BN government had no role in it. The Saudi government forced it. When
the federal government last year refused to allow Dato' Seri Anwar
surgery in Munich for his severe back problems, the Saudi government
offered to take responsibility for him. It was refused. This year,
Pak Lah's health minister refused it again in a statement to
parliament. When Pak Lah visited Riyadh to get help for a pressing
fiscal problem, he did not get it. The Saudis tried again, as Dato'
Seri Anwar's condition worsened, and with it the probability of an
early release from jail. A senior member of the Mahathir cabinet, now
retired, reputedly visited him in hospital, and the political
solution worked out. Pak Lah's hands were forced because the 2-1
verdict that released Dato' Seri Anwar was rumoured for weeks – and
in a capital where news is sparse, rumours often a mask for what
happened.
The Saudi connexion in his release was another rumour. But there is
more. The Wilayah Mosque, off Jalan Duta and near the government
offices, is known amongst civil servants and the Anwar Ibrahim
mosque. It was he, as finance minister, who pushed for it. Friday
prayers today (03 September 2004) is expected to be especially
crowded for two reasons: leading it today is the Imam of the Grand
Mosque of Mecca and the father-in-law of King Fahd, Abdurrahman
Suddais; and the rumour that Dato' Seri Anwar could be present. The
imam has been here a few days, and he certainly is not here for
Friday prayers. The Saudi government has sent a jet with full medical
facilities to transport Dato' Seri Anwar for his surgery in Munich.
It is expected that he would recuperate in Saudi Arabia.
But the speed with which Dato' Seri Anwar leaves for surgery is
surreal. The Saudi jet was on the air as the three judges were
reading their written judgement. Pak Lah expressed surprise at the
result, but accepted the verdict though the body languge did not
suggest it. He is praised for his studious detachment but the reality
is that the 2-1 verdict was known a while ago, and the postponement
of the decision was to persuade them to change their minds. It does
not matter if this is true or not. But it reflects the now prevalent
view in the judiciary that if they did not act to prevent the
judiciary's stock going any lower, justice in Malaysia would be a
joke. Pak Lah's supporters could have hoped to turn Dato' Seri
Anwar's release into a political advantage, but it was not to be.
Dato' Seri Anwar has got what he wanted, without giving away too
much. He had manouevred himself to make the issue of his treatment
political, and trapped the government into accepting it. The
government could dismiss him as a criminal, but the man who walked
out of the Federal Court a free man was the politician.
Within minutes of returning to his Bukit Bandaraya residence, Dato'
Seri Anwar was inundated with telephone calls; the most persistent
were from MCA leaders, who must now get used to treat the prisoner as
a honoured political colleague. By midnight, the area surrounding was
packed with thousands of wellwishers, and every available space for
miles taken by their cars. Unlike in the heady days of "reformasi",
when the police were conspicously around to harrass and threaten,
they stayed out of sight and directing traffice. When I went towards
the house, I was stuck in a 30-minute traffic jam of cars heading
towards his house. The area had the semblance of a carnival, but
entry into the house was all but impossible. I could not get in
because of the crowds, and left without meeting him. But others
better placed – one prominent visitor was Pak Lah's son-in-law Mr
Khairy Jamaluddin; no one, of course, asked why the UMNO youth deputy
chief had a 15-minute private talk with Dato' Seri Anwar, himself a
former UMNO youth chief – were in attendance.
His demeanour suggests he is now as determined as ever to initiate the
reforms which landed him in jail. He has taken the high road,
forgiving the man who put him in jail, subdued his anger, his
encouraging words suggest he would continue to be the political bete
noir of UMNO. But that he might rejoin UMNO – as some suggest he
would – has frightened the deputy prime minister, Dato' Seri Najib
Tun Razak, whose scripted answers to this rumour was to say that he
cannot since he leader another political party. UMNO leaders would
now work to putting up high walls to isolate Dato' Seri Anwar from
UMNO. The Opposition has found a saviour to rescue it from the
mind-numbing irrelevances that prevent them from getting together to
challenge the governing BN coalition. The BN is bereft of leadership
as UMNO struggles to contain this unexpected political tidal wave. He
is the only leader the Opposition has now who is acceptable to all
political parties. But UMNO would have to treat him gingerly for fear
of further erosion of members fed up with what it did to Dato' Seri
Anwar.
His release has forced a re-alighment of political forces. He has one
advantage: UMNO tried to destroy him, and could not. He does not fear
it any more. His post-release statement that he has no malice to his
tormentors, and praising Pak Lah, appears to be a deliberate attempt
to leave the past behind, and move on. This frightens UMNO and the BN
coalition it leads, that it would be UMNO that would see an erosion
of its support. It is no surprise that two men so marginalised –
Dato' Seri Anwar and Tengku Razaleigh Hamzah – poses the greatest
threat to UMNO. Its leaders have quietly called on Tengku Razaleigh
these past months and years, more after he was stopped from
contesting the UMNO presidency. And so In Saudi Arabia or wherever
Dato' Seri Anwar would recuperate after the operation, to repair
links with the man they publicly and happily reviled. Few outside those
who believed in him could
have thought this possible so soon.
M.G.G. Pillai
pillai@streamyx.com
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This archive was created as a tribute to the late veteran
journalist MGG Pillai. We believed his writings are useful to develop a critical
thinking analysis.
By the way, the original mggpillai.com web site (2001-2006) was actually created
by one of us.
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