MGG Pillai Commentary View

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Wealth, privilege and politics

HOW MUCH DOES A man need to be successful? In Malaysia, the public servant considers himself a failure if he does not have assets of RM50 million. There is a pecking order among them, in which the wealthiest is at the top. This means they would not bother about those in whose name they have been appointed. All the millionaires and billionaires in the past 30 years were concerned only of their wealth, and chasing the RM50 million was their goal. Many of course made much more but the change of regime has cost them debts they cannot pay if they do not get contracts from the new prime minister. The public servants, now pensioned and with a Chinese business man in tow, pursue wealth with a vengeance. If they had shown that much pursuit of their jobs in office, the poor might be better off. They did not, although in retirment they may say otherwise, especiallty when they are out of the loop in making money.

But this chasing of the 'filthy lucre' makes sure the world goes around. They often acquire a second home, usually more, overseas, with a choice one in London. Their children are sent to exclusive schools overseas, and get government appointments even if they are unsuitable to Malaysian standards. They come back after their education to regard Malaysians are not being 'educated', which in their language mean they are not Western-educated. They may be Malay by race, not constitutionally, the only type the government recognises. They do not behave as Malays, do not habitually speak the Malay language, many imbibe liquor or keep dogs. But by Malaysian standards, they are recognised culturally as Malays. Their children carry five or six credit cards, charging their means and accoutrements for which their fathers pay. The cabinet ministers, for instance, do not trust the education system and send their children overseas. It is a rare person in this milleu who will educate their children locally.

They have become isolated in their own country. They are comfortable only where modern accoutrements are available. They represent all races. As a result, there is a divide, with those at the top keeping the people down, while they spout constitutional gobbledygook, and ignore them, except at election times. When they ask Malaysians to give genorously after a tragedy, they do not give the money to those who are supposed to get it. Nearly RM20 million of the tsunami fuds have not been distributed to those who should get it. Just as the MCA collected funds for the pig farmers in Selangor, who did not get most of it. I once had dinner with a Sarawak minister in the 1970s, and found all the tables bar ours was government-linked-companies entertaining each other.

These people have forgotten or ignored their past. The deputy prime minister, Dato' Najib Tun Razak, was shocked at the poverty in Pengkalen Pasir during the byelection. But it is no worse than Pekan, the royal capital of Pahang, and the name of his constituency. It proves only that he does not visit his constituency often. I visited Pekan in the 1970s, following his father, Tun Razak, to the poor villages, and was shocked at what I saw. The officials tried to say the poverty in the constituency has increased, but it had not. I often travelled with the advance party, and saw poverty there unvarnished of civil service dressing up. But the poverty in Pekan is no worse than in Pengkalen Pasir. But Dato' Najib, who was once elected from Pekan with a narrow margin that he was known for a while as 'Minister 59', the number being his majority after a general elections and after five recounts.

When they ask Malaysians to give genorously after a tragedy, they do not give the money to those who are supposed to get it. Nearly RM20 million of the tsunami fuds have not been distributed to those who should get it. Just as the MCA collected funds for the pig farmers in Selangor, who did not get most of it. I once had dinner with a Sarawak minister in the 1970s, and found all the tables bar ours was government-linked-companies entertaining each other.

Now the poor are empowered. Their children have been given government scholarships, and not given jobs after they graduate. The 2,000 odd unemployed graduates in 1990 helped in defeating the National Front in Trengganu in 1991. There are more now in that state, and most of the 80,000 unemployed graduates are spread throughout the country. They are of all races, and they have become over the years anti-National Front. Their presence have created a socialogical problem: the fishermen father can tell his son is a chemical engineer but that he is unemployed. It creates friction at home, and in the state. The nine-day campaigning period does not allow all this ti come out, but soon it will. And when senior ministers like Dato' Najib profess being shocked at poverty in opposition constituencies while ignoring it in their constituencies, it shows there are more accustomed to the high class living their jobs entail, and hope to forget their rural constituencies.

This has grown worse over the years. The late Tun Hussein Onn, when prime minister, insisted that one political secretary was appointed to stay in, and look after, his constituency. The man was allowed to be in Kuala Lumpur only on Thursdays, when he had to report to the man about the constituency. He did such a good job that Tun Hussein was reputed to know his constituency well. And when he did, his political secretary succeed him, became a cabinet minister and retired to Kuala Lumpur. But he keeps his roots to the ground even now. But that is of the past. Few National Front politicians, not just ministers, do that now. The rare exception to this is the MIC leader, Dato' Seri S. Samy Vellu, who goes to his constituency ever week when in the country, and gives his constituency goodies whethere it is needed or not.

The money that is thrown around in Kuala Lumpur is huge: it is not uncommon to have to wait even in the most expensive restaurants. Partly this is due to the culture that the more expensive the dish, the better is. It is a reflection of today's society. But the grandchildren of those who benefitted from the New Economic Policy and Malay Dominance have different views. They do not often believe in the lifestyle of their fathers who live like, or better than, their fathers, and a few defy them. This is a small number, but as the years go, it would increase. Already, some have joined opposition parties. The National Front progaganda regards them as traitors. But few around the country believes it. They could win elections for about ten years more, when the leaders have retired, and new brood of leaders come in the National Front. It will be based on wealth and privilege, and this would widen the breach between the leaders and the others.

M.G.G. Pillai
pillai@streamyx.com